By Olaoluwa Olusanya
Inside of sociology and criminology the dominant view is that genocide and different mass atrocities are dedicated through technologically-lobotomized perpetrators. someway the method of clarification is assumed to have reworked those humans from emotionally fit humans into hole soulless shells of people or zombies, without an entire diversity of standard feelings. but it is hard to visualize crime with out feelings. there's, consequently, a necessity to revisit latest assumptions round the function of feelings in mass atrocities. This publication rehumanizes perpetrators of mass atrocities.
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Extra info for Emotions, Decision-Making and Mass Atrocities: Through the Lens of the Macro-Micro Integrated Theoretical Model
Html) Furthermore, according to Cloonan (2006, 45), Twasezereye, like several of Bikindi’s songs turned ‘from simple hate speech to a demonstrable element of a consciously deployed call to genocide’. Similarly, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, argued that Twasezereye depicts Tutsis ‘[as] Hutu enslavers, enemies or enemy accomplices … by continuously making references to the 1959 Revolution and its gains by the rubanda ngamwinshi [Hutu] … and inciting ethnic hatred and people to attack and kill Tutsi’ (Prosecutor v.
Moreover, the above-mentioned characteristics make agreeableness particularly suitable for explaining how ordinary people become susceptible to committing mass atrocities: First, agreeable individuals are more likely to form friendships easily and therefore may be more susceptible to being socially influenced (Phipps and Prieto 2011, 434). Second, the fact that ‘[a]greeable people tend to be courteous and law abiding because they are mindful of the rights and feelings of others, and because they trust that laws and customs are designed for the common good … ’ (Costa and McCrae 1995, 316) suggest that they are more likely to experience cognitive dissonance in situations involving mass atrocities which involve norm reversal (see Matthews, Deary and Whiteman 2003, 255) and will be more motivated to reduce dissonance by changing their emotions, attitudes, values, or behaviours for the sake of pleasing others (see Judge, Higgins, Thoresen and Barrick 1999).
In this regard, Hogg’s (2001) subjective uncertainty reduction hypothesis is useful for helping us to understand the role of group distinctiveness in meeting the need for clarifying uncertainties raised by social, political and economic chaos (see also Hogg and Mullin, 1999). Fourth, in order to strengthen the bond between true believers and reluctant executioners while at the same time increasing levels of hostility towards the out-group, group leaders may spread ideas, information, or rumours (Scherrer 200l, 118).
Emotions, Decision-Making and Mass Atrocities: Through the Lens of the Macro-Micro Integrated Theoretical Model by Olaoluwa Olusanya